Anarchism is a political philosophy encompassing theories and attitudes which consider the state, as compulsory government, to be unnecessary, harmful, and/or undesirable, and favors the absence of the state (anarchy).[1][2][3][4][5]
Since the last third of the 20th century, anarchists have been involved in student protest movements, peace movements, squatter movements, and the anti-globalization movement, among others. At the beginning of the 21st century, traditional anarchist organizations remained extant across the globe, and anarchism as a working political philosophy has gained a higher profile as a result of the "Occupy movement".[6]
The band Crass is celebrated for its anarchist and pacifist ideas. Crass was one of the bands that began the Anarcho-punk sub-genre of punk rock. One of the better known songs of punk rock, Sex Pistols' hit "Anarchy in the UK", espouse a nihilistic, violent and destructive concept of anarchy, exploiting the mainstream views on anarchism that remain after the time of the propaganda of the deed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In Denmark, the Freetown Christiania was created in downtown Copenhagen. The housing and employment crisis in most of Western Europe led to the formation of communes and squatter movements like the one still thriving in Barcelona, Spain.
Since the revival of anarchism in the mid 20th century,[7] a number of new movements and schools have appeared. Anarchist anthropologist David Graeber has posited a rupture between generations of anarchism, with those "who often still have not shaken the sectarian habits of the last century" contrasted with the younger activists who are "much more informed, among other elements, by indigenous, feminist, ecological and cultural-critical ideas", and who by the turn of the 21st century formed "by far the majority" of anarchists.[8]
Feminism has always been a part of the anarchist movement, in the form of anarcha-feminism. North American anarchism also takes strong influences from the American Civil Rights Movement and the movement against the war in Vietnam. European anarchism has developed out of the labour movement, and both have incorporated animal rights activism. Globally, anarchism has also grown in popularity and influence as part of the anti-war, anti-capitalist, and anti-globalisation movements. Recently, anarchists have been known for their involvement in protests against World Trade Organization and Group of Eight meetings, and the World Economic Forum; protests which are generally portrayed in mainstream media coverage as violent riots. Many anarchists are part of the black blocs at these protests and some engage in rioting, vandalism, and violent confrontations with police. Others peacefully protested, upholding non-violent principles.
Anarchists and others might say that recent technological developments have made the anarchist cause both easier to advance and more conceivable to people. Many people use cell phones or the Internet to form loose communities which could be said to be organized along anarchist lines. Some of these communities have as their purpose the production of information in a non-commodified or use-value format, a goal made attainable by the availability of personal computing, desktop publishing and digital media. These things have made it possible for individuals to share music files over the Internet, without economic incentive, and even with a certain amount of risk. There are also open source programming communities, who donate their time, and offer their product freely as well. Examples include Usenet, the free software movement (including the GNU/Linux community and the wikiwiki paradigm), and Indymedia. A book analyzing how this new "anarchic" mode of production is possible is Eric S. Raymond's The Cathedral and the Bazaar. Traditional historical materialist analysis, used by many libertarian socialists, is one means of interpreting the above, and would describe it as a "political economy of non-commodity information production".
See also Anarchism and nationalism. National-Anarchism is a radical, anti-capitalist, anti-statist, right-wing political and cultural ideology which emphasizes ethnic tribalism.[9] As a prelude to an anticipated racial civil war and a collapse of the capitalist system, National-Anarchists seek to establish autonomous villages for völkisch communities, which have seceded from the state’s economy and are no-go areas for unwelcomed ethnic groups and state authorities.[9]
The term National Anarchism dates back as far as the 1920s.[9] However, it has been primarily redefined and popularized since the 1990s by British ideologue Troy Southgate to promote a synthesis of ideas from the Conservative Revolutionary movement, Traditionalist School, Third Positionism, Nouvelle Droite, and various anarchist schools of thought.[10] National-Anarchists therefore argue they hold a syncretic political stance that is "beyond left and right" because the conventional left–right political spectrum is obsolete and should be replaced with a centralist-decentralist paradigm.[11]
Scholars counter that National-Anarchism represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension.[12][13][14] National-Anarchism has elicited skepticism and outright hostility from both left- and right-wing critics. The former accuse National-Anarchists of misappropriating a sophisticated left-wing anarchist critique of problems with the modern world only to offer neo-fascism as the solution, while the latter argue they want the militant chic of calling themselves anarchists without the historical and philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim.[15][16][17]
Anarcho-pacifism is a form of anarchism that emerged shortly before World War II, emphasizing the complete rejection of violence in any form for any purpose.[18] Although commonly associated with religious forms of anarchism, such as Christian anarchism or Buddhist anarchism, irreligious or anti-religious strains of anarcho-pacifism were present in the anarcho-punk scene of the 1970s, spearheaded by Crass. Historical advocates of pacifist anarchism include the Christian anarchist Leo Tolstoy, Jean-Paul Sartre and Mohandas Gandhi who considered violence to be the root of societies problems and the state as the manifestation of violence.[18][19] It was an influential force in the nuclear disarmament movements that followed World War II.
Among late 20th-century anarcho-pacifists was autarchist Robert LeFevre, who based his pacifism on his belief in the inviolability of property rights.[20][21] LeFevre also spoke out against war, which he considered to be a product of the state, and was convinced of the power of non-violent resistance.[22]
Free-market anarchism, usually referring to anarcho-capitalism, is a political philosophy (whose status within anarchism is disputed[23]) which is most common in the United States.[24] It is "based on a belief in the freedom to own private property, a rejection of any form of governmental authority or intervention, and the upholding of the competitive free market as the main mechanism for social interaction."[25] Anarcho-capitalists advocate for all services, including law enforcement and security, to be performed by multiple private providers all competing for business, rather than by a monopolist state agency funded by taxation. Anarcho-capitalism's proponents include Murray Rothbard, David D. Friedman, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Walter Block, and Stefan Molyneux.
Agorism is a philosophy based on Rothbard's ideas. In the agorist work, The New Libertarian Manifesto by Samuel Konkin III, agorism is repeatedly described as being on the left of politics because Konkin views it as being revolutionary due to its explicit advocacy of expansion of the underground market economy as means to eliminate the state.
Anarcha-feminism (occasionally called anarcho-feminism) is a form of anarchism that synthesizes radical feminism and anarchism that views patriarchy (male domination over women) as a fundamental manifestation of involuntary hierarchy which anarchists often oppose. Anarcha-feminism was inspired in the late 19th century by the writings of early feminist anarchists such as Lucy Parsons, Emma Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre.
Anarcha feminists like other radical feminists criticize and advocate the abolition of traditional conceptions of family, education and gender roles. Anarcha-feminists are especially critical of marriage for instance the feminist anarchist Emma Goldman has argued that marriage is a purely economic arrangement... [woman] pays for it with her name, her privacy, her self-respect, her very life.".[26] Anarcha-feminists also often criticize the views of some of the traditional anarchists such as Mikhail Bakunin who have believed that patriarchy is only a minor problem and is dependent only on the existence of the state and capitalism and will disappear soon after such institutions are abolished. Anarcha feminists by contrast view patriarchy as a fundamental problem in society and believe that the feminist struggle against sexism and patriarchy is an essential component of the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. As Susan Brown puts it, "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist".[27] Anarcha-feminists have also argued for non-hierarchical family and educational structures, and had a prominent role in the creation of the Modern School in New York City, based on the ideas of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia.[28]
In modern times anarcha-feminism has been noted for its heavy influence on ecofeminism. "Ecofeminists rightly note that except for anarcha feminist, no feminist perspective has recognized the importance of healing the nature/culture division."[29]
Contemporary anarcha-feminist groups include Bolivia's Mujeres Creando, Radical Cheerleaders, and the annual La Rivolta! conference in Boston.
Green anarchism is a school of anarchism that emphasizes the protection of the environment. Green anarchists can be broadly divided into two categories. Techno-negative green anarchists, such as John Zerzan and Theodore Kaczynski, see modern civilization and technology (as well as agriculture, in the case of Anarcho-Primitivists) as inherently harmful. Techno-positive green anarchists, such as Murray Bookchin and Alan Carter, see technology as morally neutral or even as beneficial to the development of a green anarchist society.[30]
It develops a critique of industrial civilization. In this critique, technology and development have alienated people from the natural world. This philosophy develops themes present in the political action of the Luddites and the writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, although when primitivism emerged it was influenced more directly by the works of theorists such as the Frankfurt School Marxists, Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse; anthropologists Marshall Sahlins and Richard Lee; and others such as Lewis Mumford, Jean Baudrillard and Gary Snyder. Many advocates of green anarchism and primitivism consider Fredy Perlman as the modern progenitor of their views.
Some techno-negative green anarchists, identifying themselves as anarcho-primitivists, advocate a complete process of 'rewilding' and a return to nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyles while many green anarchists only wish to see an end to industrial society and do not necessarily oppose domestication or agriculture. Still, many green anarchists decide to skirt these issues entirely, focusing not on a post-revolutionary future, but on defense of the earth and social revolution in the present. Today there is disagreement between Primitivists and followers of more traditional forms of anarchism, such as the social ecology of Murray Bookchin and socialist forms of anarchism which advocate class struggle, although many green anarchists do advocate class struggle.
Anarcho-primitivism is a form of green anarchism that believes civilization and technology inevitably lead to inequality and are incompatible with anarchism and in effect must be abolished. Anarcho-primitivists often criticize traditional anarchism for supporting civilization and technology which Anarcho-primitivists believe are inherently based on domination and exploitation and instead advocate the process of rewilding or reconnecting with the natural environment. Anarcho-primitivists (despite their opposition to science) often use the writings of anthropologists, such as Jared Diamond who wrote The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race,[31] that have portrayed indigenous societies as egalitarian, to support their critique of civilization.
Many traditional anarchists reject the critique of civilization, many even denying that anarcho-primitivism has anything to do with anarchism, while some, such as Wolfi Landstreicher, endorse the critique but do not consider themselves anarcho-primitivists. Anarcho-primitivists are often distinguished by their focus on the praxis of achieving a feral state of being through "rewilding".
Eco-anarchism is a subset of green anarchism that argues that society is best organized into small Eco-villages (somewhat similar to the Kibbutz) consisting of no more than 150 people. Like anarcho-primitivists, eco-anarchists hold bands and tribes in high regard for their functionality and their non-hierarchical structure, but unlike anarcho-primitivists, do not support the total elimination of industrial and agricultural technology. Instead, they believe that small scale eco-villages are preferable to large scale urbanized forms of social organization.
Eco anarchists, like neo-tribalists often argue that life in small scale Eco-villages is preferable to life in large scale urbanized societies because of an Evolutionary Principle; the idea invented by the anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss that humans evolved to live in such societies and are thus better suited to such an environment. Eco-anarchism often combines elements of many earlier preexisting philosophies such as Deep ecology, social ecology, primitivism, neo-tribalism, bioregional democracy, Eco-feminism, pacifism and secession.
Some green anarchists see veganism as an intrinsic part of the struggle for a free, healthy way of life. Veganarchism is the political philosophy of veganism (more specifically animal liberation) and green anarchism, creating a combined praxis as a means for social revolution.[33][34] This encompasses viewing the state as unnecessary and harmful to animals, both human and non-human, whilst practising a vegan diet. Veganarchists either see the ideology as a combined theory, or perceive both philosophies to be essentially the same.[35] It is further described as an anti-speciesist perspective on green anarchism, or an anarchist perspective on animal liberation.[34]
The term was popularised in 1995 with Brian A. Dominick's pamphlet Animal Liberation and Social Revolution, described as "a vegan perspective on anarchism or an anarchist perspective on veganism".[32] The 18-page pamphlet explains how many young anarchists in the 1990s had been adopting deep ecological (animal-inclusive and anti-speciesist) mindsets as part of an overall green anarchist political philosophy. Similarly animal liberationists were becoming increasingly influenced by anarchist thought and traditions, thus becoming veganarchists and adopting an overall praxis.[34]
Especifismo emerged out of nearly 50 years of anarchist experiences in South America starting with the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU), founded in 1956 by anarchists who saw the need for an organization which was specifically anarchist. It has been summarised as:
"The need for specifically anarchist organization built around a unity of ideas and praxis. The use of the specifically anarchist organization to theorize and develop strategic political and organizing work. Active involvement in and building of autonomous and popular social movements, which is described as the process of "social insertion."[36]
Other organisations that hold to Especifismo include Federação Anarquista Gaúcha (FAG), the Federação Anarquista Cabocla (FACA), and the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ) (all in Brazil). Especifismo is considered to have come to broadly similar conclusions to the Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists (Draft) leading to the argument that it is properly considered a new form of Platformism.
Post-left anarchy seeks to distance itself from the traditional "left" - communists, socialists, social democrats, etc. - and to escape the confines of ideology in general. Post-leftists argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long attachment to contrary "leftist" movements and single issue causes (anti-war, anti-nuclear, etc.). It calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian revolutionary movement outside of the leftist milieu. Groups and individuals associated with Post-left anarchism include CrimethInc., Jason McQuinn, Bob Black, and the magazines Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and Green Anarchy.
The left, even the revolutionary left, post-leftists argue, is anachronistic and incapable of creating change. Post-left anarchy offers critiques of radical strategies and tactics which it considers antiquated: the demonstration, class-oriented struggle, focus on tradition, and the inability to escape the confines of history. The book Anarchy in the Age of Dinosaurs, for example, criticizes traditional leftist ideas and classical anarchism while calling for a rejuvenated anarchist movement. The CrimethInc. essay "Your Politics Are Boring as Fuck" is another critique of "leftist" movements:
Why has the oppressed proletariat not come to its senses and joined you in your fight for world liberation? ... [Because] they know that your antiquated styles of protest – your marches, hand held signs, and gatherings – are now powerless to effect real change because they have become such a predictable part of the status quo. They know that your post-Marxist jargon is off-putting because it really is a language of mere academic dispute, not a weapon capable of undermining systems of control…
—Nadia C., "Your Politics Are Boring as Fuck"[37]
The ideas associated with post-left anarchy have been criticized by other anarchists, notably Murray Bookchin, whose polemic, Social Anarchism Or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, attacks these recent trends in anarchist thinking. Bob Black wrote a book in response to Bookchin's arguments called Anarchy After Leftism.
The term post-anarchism was originated by Saul Newman, and first received popular attention in his book From Bakunin to Lacan to refer to a theoretical move towards a synthesis of classical anarchist theory and poststructuralist thought. Subsequent to Newman's use of the term, however, it has taken on a life of its own and a wide range of ideas including autonomism, post-left anarchy, situationism, post-colonialism and Zapatismo. By its very nature post-anarchism rejects the idea that it should be a coherent set of doctrines and beliefs. As such it is difficult, if not impossible, to state with any degree of certainty who should or should not be grouped under the rubric. Nonetheless key thinkers associated with post-anarchism include Saul Newman, Todd May, Lewis Call, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari.
The "Lacanian anarchism" proposed by Saul Newman utilizes the works of Jacques Lacan and Max Stirner more prominently. Newman criticizes classical anarchists, such as Michael Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin, for assuming an objective "human nature" and a natural order; he argues that from this approach, humans progress and are well-off by nature, with only the Establishment as a limitation that forces behavior otherwise. For Newman, this is a Manichaen worldview, which depicts only the reversal of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan, in which the "good" state is subjugated by the "evil" people.
Lewis Call has attempted to develop post-anarchist theory through the work of Friedrich Nietzsche, rejecting the Cartesian concept of the "subject". From here a radical form of anarchism is made possible; the anarchism of becoming. This anarchism does not have an eventual goal, nor flow into "being", it is not a final state of development, nor a static form of society, but rather becomes permanent, as a means without end. Italian autonomist Giorgio Agamben has also written about this idea. In this respect it is similar to the "complex systems" view of emerging society known as Panarchy. Call critiques liberal notions of language, consciousness, and rationality from an anarchist perspective, arguing that they are inherent in economic and political power within the capitalist state organization.[38]
Insurrectionary anarchism is a form of revolutionary anarchism critical of formal anarchist labor unions and federations. Insurrectionary anarchists advocate informal organization, including small affinity groups, carrying out acts of resistance in various struggles, and mass organizations called base structures, which can include exploited individuals who are not anarchists. Proponents include Wolfi Landstreicher and Alfredo M. Bonanno, author of works including "Armed Joy" and "The Anarchist Tension". This tendency is represented in the US in magazines such as Willful Disobedience and Killing King Abacus.
Here, a text from the magazine Killing King Abacus outlines some of the basis points of insurrectionary anarchist praxis.
Insurrectionary anarchism is not an ideological solution to all social problems, a commodity on the capitalist market of ideologies and opinions, but an on-going praxis aimed at putting an end to the domination of the state and the continuance of capitalism, which requires analysis and discussion to advance. We don't look to some ideal society or offer an image of utopia for public consumption. Throughout history, most anarchists, except those who believed that society would evolve to the point that it would leave the state behind, have been insurrectionary anarchists. Most simply, this means that the state will not merely wither away, thus anarchists must attack, for waiting is defeat; what is needed is open mutiny and the spreading of subversion among the exploited and excluded. Here we spell out some implications that we and some other insurrectionary anarchists draw from this general problem: if the state will not disappear on its own, how then do we end its existence? It is, therefore, primarily a practice, and focuses on the organization of attack... The State of capital will not "wither away" ...attack is the refusal of mediation, pacification, sacrifice, accommodation, and compromise.
A black bloc is a tactic for protests and marches, whereby participants wear black clothing, ski masks and motorcycle helmets with padding, steel-toed boots and often carrying their own shields and truncheons.[39] The clothing is used to avoid being identified by authorities, and to theoretically appear as one large mass, promote solidarity, and create a clear revolutionary presence.
The tactic was developed in the 1980s by anti-nuclear activist autonomists. Black blocs gained broader media attention outside Europe during the 1999 anti-WTO demonstrations, when a black bloc damaged property of GAP, Starbucks, Old Navy, and other retail locations in downtown Seattle.[39]
Tactics of a black bloc can include vandalism, rioting and street fighting, demonstrating without a permit, misleading the authorities, assisting in the escape of perpetrators arrested by the police, administering first aid to persons affected by tear gas in areas where protesters are barred from entering, building barricades, and attacking police.[40] However not all bloc participants engage in violence; participants often use peaceful methods of protest as well. Although black blocking is usually connected with some form of direct action, some black blocs also participate in wholly symbolic action, as well as actions that fall entirely within traditional definitions of nonviolent protest. Property destruction carried out by black blocs tends to have symbolic significance: common targets include banks, institutional buildings, outlets for multinational corporations, gasoline stations, video-surveillance cameras.
There may be several black blocs within a particular protest, with different aims and tactics.[41] As an ad hoc group, they share no universally common set of principles or beliefs[41] apart from an adherence to – usually – radical Left/autonomist values. But a few radical right-wing groups, like some of the neo-Nazi Freie Kameradschaften of Germany, have adopted "black bloc" tactics too.
Analytical anarchism, which partly began as a response to analytical Marxism, is a recent development in academia that uses the methods of analytic philosophy to clarify or defend anarchist theory.[42] Analytical anarchists include Robert Paul Wolff, Alan Carter, and Michael Taylor. Wolff argues that we have no obligation to obey the state, while Carter argues that the state cannot be trusted to liberate the people, and Taylor uses game theory to argue that cooperation is possible without the state.[43]
Analitycal anarchism also refers, according to Peter Boettke, to the positive political economy of anarchism, or anarchism from the economic point of view, in the libertarian tradition of Murray Rothbard's For a New Liberty (1973) and David Friedman's The Machinery of Freedom (1973). Boettke claims that analytical anarchism has developed out of this tradition, and is currently being pursued by economists such as Peter Leeson, Edward Stringham, and Christopher Coyne.[44] These professors are related to Mercatus Center and to the faculty of economics at George Mason University.
"New Anarchism" is a term that has been notably used by Andrej Grubacic, amongst others, to describe the most recent reinvention of the anarchist thought and practice. What distinguishes the new anarchism of today from the new anarchism of the '60s and '70s, or from the work of US-UK based authors like Murray Bookchin, Paul Goodman, Herbert Read, Colin Ward and Alex Comfort, is its emphasis on the global perspective. Some of essays on new anarchism include David Graeber's "New Anarchists" in A Movement of Movements: is Another World Really possible?, ed. Tom Mertes (London: Verso, 2004) and Grubacic's "Towards Another Anarchism" in World Social Forum: Challenging Empires, ed. Jai Sen and Peter Waterman (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 2007).[45][46]
A number of popular movements in the global South, like the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico and Abahlali baseMjondolo[47] in South Africa have been described as having close connections to some aspects of traditional anarchist thought. However these movements do not describe themselves as anarchist.,[48][49]
The Internet is strange. It doesn't make any money. It's transnational, beyond anyone's control. It is the great anarchist event.
—Novelist William Gibson in an interview with the Financial Times.[50]
The Free Software movement is an example of an emergent movement with anarchist characteristics.[51] The nature of the GPL and many other free software licenses is such that there is a collective sharing of resources (in this case, source code) between developers and users, thus some anarchists see this as putting into practice their perspective on private property and economic organization.[52] There is, however, little evidence that those involved in the Free Software have considered the political implications. The movement can be treated as being a large number of anarcho-syndicalist communities.[53]
The Free Software movement was started by people who believe that software should be free, and indeed this is the position of the Free Software Foundation.[54] However, large amounts of free software is written nowadays by traditional software development bodies who consider it as a better development method for many cases.[55]
Crypto-anarchism is an ideology that expounds the use of strong public-key cryptography to enforce privacy and individual freedom. It was described by Vernor Vinge as a cyberspatial realization of anarcho-capitalism.[56] Crypto-anarchists aim to create cryptographic software that can be used to evade prosecution and harassment while sending and receiving information in computer networks. Timothy C. May wrote about crypto anarchism in Cyphernomicon:
What emerges from this is unclear, but I think it will be a form of anarcho-capitalist market system I call "crypto-anarchy."[57]
Using such software, the association between the identity of a certain user or organisation and the pseudonym they use is difficult to find, unless the user reveals the association. It is difficult to say which country's laws will be ignored, as even the location of a certain participant is unknown. In a sense, the encrypted anonymous networks (the "cipherspace") can be regarded as an independent, lawless territory. However, participants may in theory voluntarily create new laws using smart contracts or, if the user is pseudonymous, depend on online reputation.
One motive of crypto-anarchists is to defend against surveillance of computer networks communication. A second concern is evasion of censorship, particularly internet censorship, on the grounds of freedom of expression. The programs used by crypto-anarchists often make it possible to both publish and read information off the internet or other computer networks anonymously. Thirdly, the technical challenge in developing these cryptographic systems is tremendous, which interests some programmers into joining the projects.
The Independent Media Center (aka Indymedia or IMC) is a global participatory network of journalists that report on political and social issues. It originated during the anti-WTO protests worldwide in 1999 and remains closely associated with the global justice movement, which criticizes neo-liberalism, and its associated institutions. Indymedia uses an open publishing and democratic media process that allows anybody to contribute.
According to its homepage, "Indymedia is a collective of independent media organizations and hundreds of journalists offering grassroots, non-corporate coverage. Indymedia is a democratic media outlet for the creation of radical, accurate, and passionate tellings of truth."[58] Indymedia was founded as an alternative to government and mainstream media, and seeks to facilitate people being able to publish their media as directly as possible.[59]
Indymedia has a variable reputation, both among its users and outside critics. Its operations are conducted by activists around the world, who, though they may be lacking in journalistic training and corporate funding, tend to make up for this with enthusiasm for reporting issues of social justice and unique related events, which in their view, the corporate media under-reports or censors. For example, the Bolivian Gas War in 2003 was virtually unheard of in the US media, while it received extensive worldwide and multilingual reporting through Indymedia. Another example is the February 15, 2003 anti-war protest in many US and European cities, which received detailed coverage written by its participants.